y friend Conrad de
Quiros has been consis-tently saying that her gravest of sins is her
illegitimacy. Nothing could be worse than stealing the people's vote, he always
writes. The lying and the stealing will always follow the cheating. How
absolutely correct.
When the FSGO wrote about the seven curses brought about by
the Arroyo regime, it listed her illegitimate leadership as Curse Number Six,
and Conrad disagreed with the hierarchy of the litany of curses. Of course the
FSGO titled its pre-SONA statement as "The Stolen Republic," as
contra-distinguished from what Gloria Macapagal Arroyo keeps touting as her
"strong" republic.
In this space, for months on end, we have been writing a
definitive conclusion that some of our friends found too speculative: That she
will not go quietly into the night after her stolen term ends on June 30, 2010.
No, it's not like Cory refusing to extend her stay in power, even if she had a
legal peg. She was elected under the aegis of the Marcos Constitution of 1973,
in a framework of dictatorial rule. The transitory provisions of the 1987 Cory
Constitution did not expressly restrict the incumbent president from seeking
election under its framework. But Cory Aquino had class. She refused the
blandishments of extended power, and she transferred power to Fidel V. Ramos
with absolute grace.
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has absolutely no class. And the
grace of self-abnegation is alien to her persona, certainly not in character.
When Joseph Estrada appointed her his social welfare secretary, she and her
husband started plotting, along with faithful acolytes some of whom have
regretted their participation, on how to prematurely eject the duly elected
president. Estrada had the grace to conscript her in his government, the kind of
grace Carlos P. Garcia did not deign her father Diosdado, who was his elected
vice-president, worthy of. But her father Diosdado plodded on, and defeated
Garcia fair and square in the elections of 1961. And Garcia had the grace to
accept defeat.
Not his daughter Gloria, though. She conspired with many to
eject Estrada. She succeeded, by "grace" of Sin and the treachery of Estrada's
military generals.
Claiming after two years in power that she had failed to heal
the wounds inflicted upon the nation by the "divisiveness" her act of usurpation
had spawned, she pledged, with the national hero's monument as witness, that she
would voluntarily remove herself from the electoral contest of 2004. At that
very instant, I did not believe her. I just wondered how she would wiggle out of
her avowal. I was right. In October of 2003, this time in her father's
Kapampangan homeland, she took back the words that nine months before she
declared in Baguio. Her excuse? The opposition taunted her with false charges.
Instead of harkening to her proffered political "sacrifice" and uniting behind
her, the opposition continued to fight her. And so she will fight, she said
then. He, he, he. Only the naive believed her in December 30, 2002 anyway.
But perhaps that was in character. Her father Diosdado also
promised his fellow Liberal Party leader, Ferdinand Marcos, that he would rule
for only one term. He was not true to his spoken word, so Marcos jumped ship,
joined the rival Nacionalista Party, and became its standard bearer in 1965. But
here is where father and daughter differ. Diosdado accepted his defeat, and as
far as political history writes, he did not attempt to cheat to prevail over his
political rival. So he served his one and only term, content, as he later wrote,
that he had contributed a "stone to the edifice" of nation-building.
In the case of Diosdado's daughter, she was not beneath
conspiring, as constitutional successor, to destroy and eventually eject her
elected president. Then, she dishonored her own vow not to seek election. And
worse than all these, she conspired with election officials and military
generals who have no concept of honor to ensure her victory. Nothing could be
more dishonorable.
When we had the chance to eject her because we all discovered
her illegitimacy, "not once, but twice" as her cheated and fallen rival's widow
charged, we failed. Why?
Because Gloria's amoral use of power and public money
prevailed against the puny if sincere attempts of many of us to save the nation
from this paragon of lying, cheating and stealing. She beat us, even the less
than fifty congressmen who remained steadfast despite the bribes and the
pressures, simply because she was "beyond shame."
(After Hello Garci burst her electoral claim, some members of
what contemporary history calls the Hyatt Ten, asked her to consider the
honorable act of relinquishing power. In the welter of their arguments, she
supposedly told them, "I am already beyond shame".)
Attempts to recreate people power then went for naught, among
other reasons being the trepidation to jump into the unknown of a Noli de Castro
succession. Where in the first people power revolt, we summoned the best in our
national character and made a courageous leap into the future, when it came to
ejecting the unelected and the cheat, we quibbled, we hesitated, and decided by
apathy and inaction, to accept what ought to be patently unacceptable. How our
mores have changed.
And so now we try to survive her. We suffer what would be
insufferable to other people in other nations who understand what national honor
means.
We kept consoling ourselves that this unhappy chapter will
end anyway on June 30, 2010. Now it is clear she intends to stay beyond, and
perhaps, till death do us part. And she has no qualms about using the Moro card,
and sacrificing the lives of soldiers and civilians in the process, just to push
naked obsession for continued power and continuing immunity for high crimes. Now
she piggybacks on the federalism card, ostensibly to push peace in her time with
the Moros, when all she wants is power for all time.
So what are we to do? What should we do?
The answer ought to be simple. Eject her from office that
does not lawfully and morally belong to her anyway.
When? The answer ought to be simple too. Now. Because we
should have done that earlier.
But how? We removed Marcos. Some of us ejected Estrada. Can
we not summon the same courage that animated people power in 1986?
If we cannot, or those of us who are able to - decide not to
move, and merely and meekly suffer in abject indifference, preferring instead to
"move on" or plod on with our individual lives, never mind the nation's life,
never mind the nation's honor, never mind the nation's future, then God help us
all.
We might as well line up for immigrant visas to the Bangsamoro Juridical
Entity.