ose Rizal, the
icon of Philip-pine bourgeois nationalism, was hostaged by foreign reactionaries
at the defining period of the nationhood crusade. His chosen path of martyrdom
inflamed further the blood-spattered antagonisms between his compatriots and the
Spanish overlords, as he knew it would, yet he denounced the Revolution 15 days
before his unjust execution.
More than once did Rizal express separatist sentiments and
scenarios, yet he declined to lend the Katipunan his leadership when the party
of nationalist republicans came to him for help. What was his baggage?
Like Mohandas Karamehand Gandhi who was horrified by violent
incidents in the independence struggle (e.g., the Chauri Chaura tragedy), Rizal
was haunted by the specter of a racial war. Unlike the Mahatma who commanded the
reconquest of India via the soul-force of transcendental love, the boycott of
foreign goods and the return of the spinning-wheel of self-reliance, Rizal did
not empower the people with the mantra of civil disobedience or of the formation
of peasant and workers’ unions.
It took a Bonifacio and the original Manila KKK to galvanize
the anak ng bayan into cooperativism and an energetic program of
nation-building.
The KKK Kartilya, a decalogue of decent living and blueprint
for a better society, endured, although it was a grossly violated by an
ambitious clique of provincial elitists led by a Bonapartist pretender who
deprived the movement of its founder.
In spite of the ilustrados’ vacillation, the Revolutionaries
defeated Spanish colonialism and re-established a tradition of
self-determination.
Our recorded strivings for self-esteem and self-sufficiency
began with Lapu-Lapu, "the first Filipino to lead resistance to the white man’s
rule." [Arturo M. Tolentino. Voice Of Dissent. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing
House, Inc., 1990, p. 1] It was a nativist retort to a sudden and unprovoked
outlandish intrusion.
As the alien influence spread across our islands, it also
brought with it universal principles of human freedom. These ideals, which
brought to life the European and Latin American revolutions, similarly stirred
the Filipino cause.
Both the reformist autonomists and the republican separatists
were exposed to the values of the British, American and French revolutions. What
would they have discovered in the tracts of the social contract theorists?
Read, did they, of Thomas Hobbes’ "De Cive," especially
Chapter XII: Of the internal causes, tending to the dissolution of any
Government? Or of "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte" by Karl Marx?
How about John Locke’s "Two Treatises of Government,"
particularly Chapter XIX (Of the Dissolution of Government) of the Second
Treatise? Wherein the political philosopher clarified that "revolutions happen
not upon every little mismanagement in public affairs. Great mistakes in the
ruling part, many wrong and inconvenient laws, and all the slips of human
frailty, will be born by the people without mutiny or murmur. But if a long
train of abuses, prevarications and artifices, all tending the same way, make
the design visible to the people, and they cannot but feel what they lie under,
and see whither they are going; it is not to be wondered, that they should then
rouse themselves, and endeavor to put the rule into such hands which may secure
to them the ends for which government was at first erected." [Sec. 225]
Did any of them check the "Memoir, Correspondence, And
Miscellanies, From "The Papers of Thomas Jefferson?" Whence this maxim: "It is
not by the consolidation, or concentration of powers, but by their distribution,
that good government is effected."
We know that Rizal translated into Tagalog the French
Declaration on the Rights of Man and that Bonifacio avidly examined the lessons
of the French Revolution. In the same vein, the success of the KKK movement and
the progress of the Philippine independence campaign were impressed on
contemporary observers.
At the Baku Congress of the Peoples of the East, an American
delegate, John Reed, cited our instance of resistance to recolo-nization. "Take,
for example, the peoples of the Philippines. In 1898, the Filipinos rebelled
against the cruel colonial government of Spain, and the Americans helped them.
But after the Spaniards had been driven out the Americans did not want to go
away.
"Then the Filipinos rose against the Americans, and this time
the ‘liberators’ started to kill them, their wives and children: they tortured
them and eventually conquered them. They seized their land and forced them to
work and make profits for American capitalists.
"The Americans have promised the Filipinos independence. Soon
an independent Filipino republic will be proclaimed. But this does not mean that
the American capitalists will leave or that the Filipinos will not continue to
work to make profits for them. The American capitalists have given the Filipino
leaders a share of their profits - they have given them government jobs, land
and money - they have created a Filipino capitalist class which also lives on
the profits created by the workers - and in whose interest it is to keep the
Filipinos in slavery."
The Katipuneros and their movement may have seemed to recede
in the background during the American Occupation. But the revolutionary impulse
and the democratic outlook resurfaced against the Japanese Occupation. In the
postwar era, nearly all Philippine presidents have invoked the continuation of
the 1896 Revolution. Every moral crusader, policymaker and aspiring
power-wielder has called for wars against poverty, corruption, terrorism and
despotism.
Why not simply practice the Golden Rule and obey the Ten Commandments?