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We should not develop the habit of inviting foreign agencies or bodies to help us everytime we face a critical issue. We could look like a man totally dependent on his walking cane or the wheelchair. All we have to say is we can do it like Captain Marvel saying: "Shazam!" That is, if we have the will and the strength to do it.

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As the Melo report was made public, there was the coincidental showing of movies about Rwanda and Uganda. The former was shown last Monday (Feb. 26) on Channel 55 and the latter available in DVDs under a movie titled "The Last King of Scotland." There is no strict parallelism between the Philippine political situation today and those of Rwanda in the 1960s and Idi Amin’s rule in the 1980s. But there are similarities here and there that may help us reflect on the present-day situation in our country today.

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As in the Philippines, Rwanda tells the story of oppression and inequality of its people. From a monarchial rule, a peasant revolt took power in 1959 setting up a republic and vesting powers on Hutu elements. But the Hutu politicians, who took the privileged position in government led by Prime Minister Jean Kambandan, started a regime of oppression, particularly against the Tutsi ethnic group.

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Crimes against humanity were widely committed until tension erupted when the Tutsis led a peasant revolt. The rebellion ended in an agreement that installed Tutsis in government. It was in 1998 that Prime Minister Kambandan pleaded guilty before an international tribunal to the charge of genocide. Kambandan became the first person to be sentenced in 1994 for the crime of genocide.

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On the other hand, Uganda obtained independence from British rule in 1962 only to undergo years of turmoil under different military rulers, among them Idi Amin. Idi was a recruit of the British colonial army and rose to become army chief of the independent government. Leading a coup, he installed himself in power both as prime minister and president-for-life.

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As a leader, Idi showed abrupt changes of mood, buffoonery and shrewdness mixed with gentleness and tyranny. An ultra nationalist, he publicly insulted Great Britain and the United States, even as he befriended Libya and the Palestinians. There were consistent reports of torture and murder of Ugandans (number estimated as many as 300,000) but these he denied before the international press. An invasion by Ugandan nationalists and Tanzanian troops caused Idi to flee and settle in Saudi Arabia where he died in 2003.

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The Melo Commission Report has warned government not to "sit idly and refuse to act" on continued incidences of extra-judicial killings. While saying these killings may not be state actions, the commission drew attention to the growing worldwide consensus that the state still cannot avoid liability since "ultimately the state has the responsibility of protecting its citizens." Also, the commission warned that "if the State fails to investigate, prosecute or redress private, non-state acts in violation of fundamental liberties, it is in effect aiding the perpetrators of such violations, for which it could be held responsible under international law."

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Politicians can hold on to power through personal shrewdness and the use of military might. But as the stories of Rwanda and Uganda reveal, justice prevails in the end. The Melo Commission and the Philip Alston reports are but the prelude to the final UN report on perceived culture of impunity in the country.

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That our country is now subject to scrutiny by an international body should be a wake-up call for authorities who can stop these political killings. Already the US reportedly urges not only an end to killings but the prosecution of violators. What is the consequence of inaction? The Melo Commission itself warns that the government "could be held responsible under international law."

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It’s a pity that we have registered nurses who passed the 2006 board exams, but they cannot be given US visa certificates. The Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing Schools (CGFNS) has decided that these 2006 nursing exam passers have to retake the equivalent of the scandal tainted Test III and V and pass this to get the certificate. And because the rule of the CGFNS is "rule of the states," there is no room for any appeal either by government or the nursing associations.

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What is more pitiful perhaps is the fact that government functionaries openly take the side of the CGFNS. Chief presidential legal counsel Sergio Apostol issued a statement that if the concerned nurses don’t take the exam retake, then "they can work elsewhere." Commission on Filipinos Overseas chairman Dante Ang warned the PRC from giving false hopes to the Filipino nurses since these would be futile. We can’t blame concerned nurses from feeling that salt is being rubbed on their wounds. How do they now feel about PGMA who is represented by these officials? Kailangan pa bang I-memorize?

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With an anti-terrorism law, we should not expect to resolve terrorism altogether. This is because we cannot eliminate terrorism unless we pay attention to its cause. The list of terrorist grievances is large and includes human rights violations such as lack of free speech and religion, enforced imprisonment, torture and even death. In the case of the Irish Republican Army, perceived terrorist acts are linked with protest against foreign intervention. An expert Brian Michael Jenkins even said that terrorism may be rooted in the human condition. "We cannot expect to eradicate terrorism, any more than we can expect to end murder."