By VERA Files
(First of two parts)
Neglect by President Arroyo and squabbles
over turf and money have derailed government efforts to
establish the country's new archipelagic baseline, and may
jeopardize the Philippines' claim over resource-rich Spratlys
that fall within its extended continental shelf.
With a year left before the May 13, 2009
deadline for filing its claim for an extended continental shelf
under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),
the Philippines is nowhere near completing the studies, surveys
and report required to bolster the country's claim over its
extended territory.
The UNCLOS, which the Philippines ratified 14
years ago, requires coastal states to declare their extended
continental shelf, which is the underwater extension of the
land.
In Congress, lawmakers are debating a
redefined archipelagic baseline bill. Although there is no
deadline to the filing of a country's archipelagic baseline with
the UN, it is, however, going to be the basis for measuring all
maritime regimes or zones: territorial sea (12 nautical miles
from the baseline), contiguous zone (24 nm), economic exclusive
zone (200 nm), continental shelf (200 nm) and extended
continental shelf (350 nm).
The drafting of the country's claim under the
UNCLOS is a tale of infighting among agencies wanting to take
the lead and subsequently controlling the billions of pesos of
government fund for that undertaking, including a $250,000 grant
from the Norwegian government.
It is also a story of President Arroyo's
failure to give importance to the complicated tasks involved
(such as marine hydrographic, gravity and magnetic surveys and
studies) to come up with data required in drafting territorial
baseline despite the urgency of a May 2009 deadline.
In 2001, President Arroyo abolished the
Cabinet Committee on the Treaty on the Law of the Sea, created
under Ferdinand Marcos and maintained by the three succeeding
presidents - Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos, and Joseph Estrada.
Arroyo replaced it with the mid-level Maritime and Ocean Affairs
Center (MOAC), which was just a unit in the Department of
Foreign Affairs (DFA) then headed by Assistant Secretary Alberto
Encomienda.
It was only in March 2007, after six years,
that Arroyo restored the issue as a Cabinet-level concern when
she issued Executive Order 612 creating the Commission on
Maritime and Ocean Affairs (CMOA) under the Office of the
President. The CMOA is to be chaired by the executive secretary
with the justice secretary and foreign affairs secretary as vice
chairs.
The initial members were the departments of
national defense, of environment and natural resources, of
budget and management, of transportation and communications, of
tourism, of trade and industry, the National Security Council,
Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, National Mapping and
Resources Information Authority (NAMRIA), and the Philippine
Coast Guard.
Arroyo designated the Department of Foreign
Affairs as the lead agency and secretariat of the CMOA. She also
committed a major oversight: she excluded from the EO creating
CMOA the Department of Energy, which had been involved in doing
scientific studies on the country's continental shelf with other
agencies.
It took nine months for Arroyo to correct the
lapse. On Dec. 17, 2007, she issued EO 612-A including DOE in
the CMOA "in order (for it) to be able to fully contribute its
knowledge and expertise" in the preparation of the country's
claim for extended continental shelf.
Outside the Palace, however, there were other
initiatives toward complying with the UN requirement. In 2001,
the University of the Philippines, through its National
Institute of Geological Sciences and the UP Law Center's
Institute of International Legal Studies, undertook a project,
"Delineation of the Outer Limits of the Philippine Continental
Shelf," with the DOE, NAMRIA and the Mines and Geosciences
Bureau.
UP law professor Harry Roque, an
international law expert, recalled the confusion on who was to
take the lead in this project. Foreign affairs officials wanted
the DFA to lead because it was in charge of submitting the claim
to the UN. DENR said they should take the lead because the
project involves natural resources and NAMRIA is its line
agency. The NSC also got into the picture, citing security
considerations.
In the end, the project proposed an executive
order creating an interagency national committee with the
president or vice president as chair and the DFA and DENR as
vice chairs. When the UP-led project ended months later, Arroyo
had not created any such committee.
In the case of MOAC, interagency coordination
was saddled by its not being Cabinet level; thus, no policy
decisions could be made. To be fair, Encomienda presented
updates on the project before the Cabinet cluster on security
attended by Arroyo.There were also personality differences among
MOAC members. Some did not regard highly the entry of a retired
police general, Dionisio Ventura, as head of NAMRIA, while
others resented what they said was Encomienda's "soliloquy"
during meetings. Worse, some agencies refused to share data with
MOAC.
Bureaucratic wrangling also marred
baseline-related activities of the past administrations. During
the presidency of Fidel V. Ramos, interagency power play
derailed a project that would have strengthened the Philippine
position to include a portion of the disputed Kalayaan Island
Group (KIG) within the Philippine archipelagic baseline. The KIG
is part of Spratlys.
Documents obtained by Vera Files showed that
as early as 1994, Ramos ordered various agencies to work
together on projects to redefine the country's archipelagic
baseline.
In mid-1994, then NAMRIA administrator Jose
Solis (now congressman of Sorsogon) sought financial assistance
from then Energy Secretary Delfin Lazaro for the building of
lighthouses on three islets in the KIG: Nares Reef, Recto Bank
or Marie Louise Reef, and Sea Horse Bank.
This was about the time that the Chinese were
starting to occupy Mischief Reef in the KIG, which is only 135
nautical miles away from the Philippine baseline. Lazaro
supported the lighthouses project and sought Ramos' approval to
draw funds from the DOE's Special Account.
In a memo to Ramos, Lazaro cited possible
international complications and risks of the lighthouse project:
"While this project will be beneficial to the Philippines in
terms of expanding available area not only for petroleum
exploration but for other natural resources as well and that the
lighthouses will also be important navigational aids, we wish to
point out that actual construction of the lighthouse could
provoke international protests from other countries (such as
China and Vietnam) including possible physical stoppage of the
work by their navies."
Lazaro's request for a go-signal got stalled
in Malacanang. His successor, Francisco Viray, pursued the
lighthouse project. In a memo to Ramos dated Dec. 12, 1994,
Viray said: "Once established, these lighthouses will serve as
legal basis in determining the new baseline. Other countries are
doing the same things to fortify their territorial claims."
Viray said the presence of lighthouses would
reinforce the country's claim over the Reed Bank. A lighthouse
would have qualified Reed Bank, which is within the 200-mile
exclusive economic zone, to be part of the archipelagic
baseline. This would increase Philippine archipelagic waters
within the baseline by 11,042 square nautical miles or 7,750,000
hectares.
Documents obtained by Vera Files showed that
on Feb. 15, 1995, Ramos finally approved the release of
P178-million for the mapping, survey, and construction of
lighthouses in the KIG. He instructed the DOE to supply the
funds, and the NAMRIA to supervise the design and construction
of the lighthouse as well as the coordinates of the benchmarks
identifying the territorial limits based on the 200-nautical
mile EEZ. Formal public bidding was waived "in view of the
urgency and confidentiality of the project."
But soon after the funding was approved,
Ramos himself revoked NAMRIA's authority to oversee the project
and transferred it to the Philippine Navy upon the
recommendation of Defense Secretary Renato de Villa.
This led Solis to complain: "The NAMRIA has
been religiously working for the immediate implementation of the
KIG project. I would like to inform the Executive Secretary that
when there were still no available funds for the project, it was
the NAMRIA which did all the work to convince the funding agency
to support the project. However, when the funding was approved
and the authority was given to the NAMRIA, the Cabinet made a
decision to transfer the project to the Philippine Navy."
For one reason or another, the KIG
lighthouses never got built-and the Philippines lost its chance
to build them. In 2002, the Arroyo government signed the
ASEAN-China Code of Conduct in the South China Sea that bans
construction of new structures on uninhabited islands in the
disputed areas. Brunei, China, Malaysia, Taiwan, Vietnam and the
Philippines are claiming wholly or partially about 160 islands
in the South China Sea.
A number of baseline and continental shelf
legislations have been filed in both chambers of Congress. In
the Senate, Sen. Leticia Shahani filed such a bill in 1993. A
proposed baseline law authored by detained senator Antonio
Trillanes IV is pending in the 14th Congress. The bill seeks to
amend existing baseline to include Scarborough Shoal and
treating the KIG as a regime of islands to conform to the
criteria set by UNCLOS.
In the House, Cebu Rep. Antonio Cuenco's bill
has been returned to the committee level after reaching second
reading last December. There were earlier initiatives in the
House by then representative and now senator Francis Escudero
and Rep. Gerry Salapuddin. "The project was stalled due to lack
of available funds," Salapuddin said back then.
Indeed, it is the government's failure to
provide the money that has slowed down projects needed to
revised the baseline law and identify the extended continental
shelf. After receiving an initial P50 million funding last year,
CMOA is getting only P10 million in the 2008 budget.
It also took Malacanang five years to include
the budget needed for the extended continental shelf project. A
source privy to the project said NAMRIA had initially estimated
that P10 billion would be needed for the scientific and
technical surveys. Deputy Executive Secretary for Legislative
Liaison Jake Lagonera balked, saying, "Masyado yatang malaki
'yan (That's too much)."
Indonesia had spent about $100 million for
its project. But MOAC had said about P500 million would be
enough for the extended continental shelf project.
The source said the Palace also found
NAMRIA'S second proposal, totalling P2.9 billion, on the high
side. It finally approved a P1.7 billion funding to be released
over several years.
The Arroyo administration's last-minute
effort to meet the May 2009 deadline is reflected in NAMRIA's P
1.2 billion budget for this year. For the first time, it is
getting a P380 million allotment for the extended continental
shelf delimitation project on top of the P547 million for its
regular mapping and remote sensing activities.- By Ellen
Tordesillas, Chit Estella, Luz Rimban, Booma Cruz, Yvonne Chua
and Jennifer Santiago
VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper
look into current issues. Vera is Latin for "true.