BY ALECKS P. PABICO
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
CEBU CITY — This bustling metropolis in
central Philippines used to be the heart of Osmeña country,
the home of a political clan that at one time even managed to
wield power from within Malacañang. But in the last two
decades, a new family has been gaining considerable political
ground in Cebu province. For the past few years, it has also
been widely perceived to have Malacañang’s ear. This May,
three of its members are seeking public office, and many are
betting all three will win their respective electoral
contests.
A sweep by the Garcias in May would signal
a tectonic shift in Cebu’s political landscape and could
establish them as the province’s premier political family.
Indeed, the ascendance of the Garcia clan would not only
highlight the continuing waning dominance of the Osmeñas in
local, if not national, politics. It may also herald the
Garcias’ assumption of the role the Osmeñas have traditionally
performed: that of deciding the political fate of Cebu, which
rivals Manila in economic importance.
For now political observers like Dr. Resil
Mojares still think the Osmeñas remain the most dominant
family in Cebu. But Mojares says that it would be interesting
to see how far the Garcias will go.
That may start getting evident this May.
Leading the Garcia clan in the possible election juggernaut is
Gwendolyn or "‘Gwen," who is seeking reelection as Cebu
governor. The 51-year-old’s immediate predecessor was her own
father, Pablo "Pabling" Garcia Sr., who bowed out of local
politics in 2004 after serving as governor for three terms. No
formidable challenger has come forward to contest the
governorship, which makes it likely for Governor Garcia to
chalk up yet another electoral victory – assuredly more
comfortable than the last one – for her second consecutive
three-year term.
Aside from the governor, clan patriarch
Pabling is coming out of retirement to run as congressman in
Cebu’s second district. Gwen Garcia’s younger brother Pablo
John, who serves as her consultant at the Capitol, is also
eyeing the congressional seat their father held from 1987 to
1995 in his erstwhile turf, the province’s third district.
Political observers say the possibility of
all three Garcias winning their respective electoral contests,
though tough, isn’t remote. The 81-year-old Pabling has the
edge over a less seasoned opponent, Carmiano Kintanar, who is
determined to make an issue out of the ex-governor’s age. An
incumbent provincial board member, Carmiano Kintanar is the
cousin of Rep. Simeon Kintanar. Now on his third consecutive
term, Simeon Kintanar is already barred from seeking
reelection and has not declared his intention to seek any
position in May.
Pabling’s youngest son is expected to face
rough sailing in his bid to become representative of the third
district where the undefeated Rep. Antonio Yapha, who is
likewise on his last congressional term, is fielding his wife
to replace him. The Yaphas, like the Kintanars, enjoy the
backing of Cebu’s preeminent political clan of old — no other
than the Osmeñas, and in particular former Senator John Henry
‘Sonny’ Osmeña, the Garcias’ most bitter critic. But Osmeña
may have already expended his political luster when he failed
to win a Senate seat in 2004, ignominiously losing in Cebu and
barely making it to 12th place in his own precinct in
Camputhaw.
The Garcias, meanwhile, are close to
Malacañang, which guarantees privileged access to continued
state patronage. Pabling himself does not deny this, although
he also says, "This is also true with other leaders in Cebu."
In her frequent visits to the province,
President Arroyo has not kept secret her feelings about how
she is more at ease with Cebu and its political climate,
punctuating this with "a strong province...a model for a
strong republic" compliment. Many political observers have
read this with the assumption that Arroyo owes her
controversial 2004-election victory in part to the Garcias.
But Pabling Garcia, who was then Lakas-CMD provincial
chairman, rejects the allegations of massive cheating that
attended the elections in the province. He argues that despite
the bickering among local administration candidates, they all
threw their support behind Arroyo while the late Fernando Poe
Jr. did not have a serious candidate at the local level to
campaign for him.
Like almost anywhere else in the
Philippines, clans or dynasties have long dominated Cebu in
every sphere of political life — be it town, district, or
province. Local families, says British political scientist
John Sidel, have entrenched themselves for decades at the
municipal level by combining their proprietary wealth with the
discretionary powers of the mayor’s office and the state
patronage made available by congressional and provincial
politicians. At the provincial level, however, Sidel singles
out the Osmeñas for remaining the one dynasty at the center of
politics in the whole Central Visayan island province
throughout most of the last century.
Sidel attributes the longevity of
multigeneration dynasties, notably the Cebu City-based Osmeña
clan, to their ability to maintain alliances with urban
commercial interests and to build a political machine centered
in the provincial capital that also radiated out into the
province. Beginning with family patriarch Sergio Osmeña Sr.
who went on to become President of the Commonwealth from 1944
to 1946, the Osmeñas, says Sidel, enjoyed preeminent status in
Cebu by using their "close ties to the urban commercial elite
in the city, office-based discretionary powers over the local
state apparatus, and linkages to national-level patrons in
Manila."
Following in his father’s footsteps, Sergio
‘Serging’ Osmeña Jr. served variously as Cebu provincial
governor, Cebu City mayor, congressman of Cebu’s second
district, and senator, but failed in his presidential bid to
boot out Ferdinand Marcos in 1969.
The Osmeña family’s fortunes began to wane
when Marcos imposed martial law in 1972, but third-generation
members have been able to revive a modicum of dynastic clout
in the post-Marcos era. Serging’s son, Tomas III, is Cebu
City’s incumbent mayor, and has already previously won three,
including two successive, terms. Another son, Sergio III
(Serge), won a Senate seat. A nephew, Emilio Mario ‘Lito’
Osmeña, became governor from 1988 to 1992, though he was
unsuccessful in his bid for the presidency in 1998. Another
nephew, Sonny Osmeña, was elected congressman and later
senator. Sonny Osmeña’s son, John Gregory (John-John),
occupied the vice governorship during Pabling Garcia’s last
term but placed third to Gwen Garcia and Celestino Martinez
Jr., the former congressman of the province’s first district,
in the tightly fought 2004 three-way gubernatorial race.
Of present-day Cebu politics, lawyer and
political commentator Frank Malilong Jr. remarks, "We used to
have an emperor (referring to Sergio Sr.). But now, the
province is controlled by several kings who rule over their
respective little kingdoms."
Cebu’s six rural districts serve as
political and economic spheres of influence over which the
following political families have continued to hold sway:
* The Gullases in the first district in the
near south.
* The Kintanars in the second district in
the west (though the Abineses are still very much around).
* The Garcias who consider the third
district at the southern end of the province their bailiwick
(though John Osmeña served as congressman for one term).
* The Martinezes in the fourth district in
the far north.
* The Duranos in the fifth district near north; and the
Ouanos in the sixth district with the first class, highly
urbanized city of Mandaue as center.
(To be continued)