HAVE just come
across a re-port on the creation of four new municipalities in the province of
Maguindanao, which is part of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).
The report outlines the pros and cons of the move that does not follow the
stricter standards set by the Local Government Code of 1991 but the "looser"
provisions of the ARMM Charter, which empowers the autonomous body to basically
do anything with its constituent local government units (LGUs) subject to the
approval of its legislative branch.
The report notes that the proposed new municipalities are far
from viable. They cannot be counted on as means to improve the delivery of basic
social services to their constituents and would definitely constitute an
additional drain on the already scarce resources of the national government.
Citing Benedicto Bacani of the Institute of Autonomy and
Governance in the Notre Dame University, the report says that the new
municipalities were seemingly created in a bid to temporarily resolve conflicts
among rival political clans further entrenching the prevailing feudal culture.
"New LGUs are created to avoid political conflicts between clans," Bacani said,
adding the new towns "serve as enclaves for the political families." With
everyone provided with his own political turf, they are less likely to kill each
other for political power, as the logic goes for political accommodation.
And, in the strife-torn areas in Mindanao, even such a
brokered peace will give valuable time to build and rebuild. You simply cannot
go about delivering basic social services and promoting grassroots development
if the people in the area are prone to shooting at each other. There is a need
for a more tranquil and, therefore, more conducive environment. There is no
disagreement with that. But is this what we really need?
For countless of times already, we have stressed the
importance of LGUs in being active catalysts to development. Being closer to the
people, they are in a better position compared to national government agencies
to determine what basic social services are required and how best to deliver
them.
But the problem is that there are never enough funds or
expertise at the local level. Instead of being development advocates, local
officials become glorified beggars and political hostages to the powers that be
that hold sway over national government agencies. This problem will not solve
itself until local executives learn to take matters into their own hands and
take charge of their own destinies. In the process, they must learn two things.
First, to invest their own resources, no matter how scarce, into priority
development efforts instead on relying on the national government to do it for
them. Second, to use their own political and corporate powers to increase their
revenue streams.
In this regard, there is no better example than Makati City,
which under the leadership of Mayor Jejomar Binay has become the premier LGU of
the country. From an annual income of around a quarter of a billion pesos in
1986, it has since multiplied more than thirty-fold, allowing it to spend more
per capita on its residents than the national government does. It has already
completed all its basic infrastructure requirements and is focused on improving
its global competitiveness by investing even more heavily on public education
and health services.
Despite some criticisms that it has done so only because it is the country’s
economic center (implying also that the Makati development model is not
replicable), the fact remains that Makati was not always like this. When Binay
assumed office in 1986, the then municipal government was in debt equivalent to
one and a half years of its income. Clearly the decisive element in Makati’s
pre-eminence is its political leadership and not its good fortune of being the
country’s economy hub. Bringing about development is a matter of political will
and not an exercise of politics, specifically by the "troops."