efore the American
president-elect is swamped by briefing papers, let us give some inputs generated
from historical sources.
At the conclusion of World War II, assistance to the former
colonies was mainly politico-military in motivation, according to a Nobel Prize
winner. "During the rapid decolonization, American aid to the newly independent
countries had a very slow start and remained, for years, on a diminutive scale
with the partial exception of the aid given to the United States’ former colony,
the Philippines, which had also, like her European allies, suffered wartime
destruction. When then in the Fifties American aid began to take somewhat larger
proportions, it became, however, geared to the intensifying cold war and aimed
at supporting politically allied governments or, sometimes, to reward a not
unfriendly neutrality. This is clearly visible in the distribution of aid among
countries."
It was a condition that persisted in the 1960s. "Tying aid to
exports from the ‘donor country,’ which had gradually become the general rule in
almost all Western countries, implies mostly higher import costs for the
underdeveloped countries. Particularly in regard to the United States, items of
military aid are often smuggled into the computations as aid to development." [Gunnar
Myrdal, "The Equality Issue in World Development," Lecture to the memory of
Alfred Nobel, March 17, 1975]
Will Mr. Obama retain the premise of the US-Philippine
alliance? What about US-China relations? Hark back to the beginning.
"In the year 1786 a vessel of 350 tons burden sailed from an
American port for Canton. She was the first to carry the flag of the United
States to the shores of Cathay, and to begin a commerce that has since assumed
enormous proportions. European nations had carried on a limited trade with the
Chinese before that time, but they were restricted to a single port, and their
jealousy of each other prevented their adopting those measures of co-operation
that have recently proved so advantageous. China was averse to opening her
territory to foreign merchants, and regarded with suspicion all their attempts
to gain a foothold upon her soil...In the south Canton was the only port open to
those who came to China by sea, while along the coast-line, facing to the
eastward, the ports were sealed against foreign intrusion. Commerce between
China and the outer world was hampered by many restrictions, and only its great
profits kept it alive. But once fairly established, the barbarian merchants
taught the slow-learning Chinese that the trade brought advantage to all engaged
in it. Step by step they pressed forward, to open new ports and extend
commercial relations, which were not likely to be discontinued, if only a little
time were allowed to show their value."
"As years rolled on, trade with China increased. For a long
time the foreigners trading with China had no direct intercourse with the
General Government, but dealt only with the local and provincial authorities. It
was not until after the famous ‘Opium War’ that diplomatic relations were opened
with the court at Peking, and a common policy adopted for all parts of the
empire, in its dealings with the outer world. Considering the extremely
conservative character of the Chinese, their adherence to old forms and customs,
their general unwillingness to do differently from their ancestors, and the not
over-amiable character of the majority of the foreigners that went there to
trade, it is not surprising that many years were required for commercial
relations to grow up and become permanent."
"The wars between China and the Western powers did more than
centuries of peace could have done to open the Oriental eyes...The victories of
the allied forces in China, culminating in the capture of Peking and dictation
of terms by the foreign leaders, opened the way for a free intercourse between
the East and West, and the immense advantages that an unrestricted commerce is
sure to bring to an industrious, energetic, and economical people." [Thomas
Wallace Knox, "Overland through Asia: Pictures of Siberian, Chinese, and Tartar
Life," 1871]
Can Mr. Obama un-couple trade from wars? Moreover, is
American interest in China limited to profiteering? Can Westerners learn
something from the Orient?
Yes, said an economist. "The Chinese have preserved in their
traditions the remembrance of a religion which had ceased to exist among them
five or six centuries before our era."
"More surprising still is it that this singular people, in
losing its primitive faith, seems to have understood that divinity is simply the
collective me of humanity: so that, more than 2,000 years ago, China had
reached, in its commonly-accepted belief, the latest results of the philosophy
of the Occident. ‘What Heaven sees and understands,’ it is written in the Shu-king,
‘is only that which the people see and understand. What the people deem worthy
of reward and punishment is that which Heaven wishes to punish and reward. There
is an intimate communication between Heaven and the people: let those who govern
the people, therefore, be watchful and cautious.’ Confucius expressed the same
idea in another manner: ‘Gain the affection of the people, and you gain empire.
Lose the affection of the people, and you lose empire.’ There, then, general
reason was regarded as queen of the world, a distinction which elsewhere has
been bestowed upon revelations." [Joseph-Pierre Proudhon, "The Evolution of
Capitalism: System of Economical Contradictions or, The Philosophy of Misery,"
1846]
China, regardless of its size, is not the totality of Asia. India is the
other regional power. For Westerners, this sub-continent is likewise a land of
contradictions and a source of fantasy. "India, like China, is a phenomenon
antique as well as modern; one which has remained stationary and fixed, and has
received a most perfect home-sprung development. It has always been the land of
imaginative aspiration, and appears to us still as a Fairy region, an enchanted
World." [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, "Lectures on the Philosophy of World
History," 1837]