et’s try to make sense of
where the peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front now stand
and where they are headed.
The Executive department has told the Supreme Court it will
not sign the memorandum of agreement on ancestral domain as initialed by both
sides or in the any other form it may take. Peace negotiations, nonetheless,
will continue but within the framework of disarmament, demobilization and
rehabilitation or DDR, the new approach announced by Gloria Arroyo a few weeks
ago.
What actually is being abandoned with the government
declaration that the MOA-AD in whatever form is dead? The MOA-AD officially
remains a secret; the Executive has yet to provide the Supreme Court a copy. But
based on the information that has dribbled out, there are two key areas
addressed: One, the expansion of the territory now covered by the Autonomous
Region for Muslim Mindanao, and, two, greater powers to the current the
autonomous government through the transformation of ARMM into a Bangsamoro
Juridical Entity.
On the proposed expansion, critics of the proposed agreement
claimed the areas sought to be covered had already opted in three earlier
plebiscites to stay out of ARMM. This claim is patently wrong. Most of the 700
barangays covered by the MOA have repeatedly voted for inclusion. In fact, whole
towns in Lanao del Norte also made the same choice, but the wish of the
residents was thwarted because the basic units for membership in ARMM were
provinces and cities.
Hence the agreement to go down to the barangay level. As far
as we can see, there is nothing unconstitutional on this score. It will take
just an amendment to the ARMM law.
The Bangsamoro Juridical Entity is the sticky point. There
are some clearly unconstitutional provisions such as allowing it to have its own
police force in violation of the "one national police of civilian character"
provision. Another is allowing the BJE authority to send and receive foreign
missions. But on another issue, the one on the sharing of proceeds from the
exploitation of natural resources, the critics are wrong. The Supreme Court has
already upheld the Indigenous Peoples Act which provides for a similar scheme on
sharing (the ratio can be left to the legislature).
So why abandon the MOA in whatever form if the disagreements
revolve around the specifics, not the principles of expanded and greater
autonomy?
And after abandoning these principles, why the call for
disarmament and demobilization as a prerequisite for continuing
negotiations? These twin demands amount to a call on the MILF to surrender, with
negotiations limited to drawing up the terms of capitulation.
This is a direct road to war, not the path, however winding and tortuous, to
peace.