n 1980, the Philippines was among the
first member states of the World Health Organization to embrace primary health
care as the main strategy to achieve health for all Filipinos. From the
standpoint of WHO’s relatively modest health for all goals by the year 2000,
this effort may be considered as successful.
Nevertheless, great disparities remained between and among
various populations and geographic groups. The wide differences in the real
state of basic health services up to the first referral or secondary care level
available at every community are, to a significant extent, responsible for the
continuing inequity.
Filipinos who can afford it receive basic health services at
private clinics and hospitals that are staffed by specialists and equipped with
sophisticated medical equipment.
The less affluent majority go to government health centers or
hospitals. Except for a few localities, these facilities are poorly equipped and
often lack supplies. Quality of care is dependent on the degree of commitment of
local governments or individual health staff.
A number of public health interventions where there is strong
support and coordination at national and local government levels appear to be
relatively successful. An example is tuberculosis control where the TB DOTS
strategy has reached internationally accepted targets in terms of case finding,
treatment success rates and other program measures.
Even with the success of programs like these, however, great
disparities in health outcomes among different groups remain. Consider maternal
and child health status indicators.
Poor people in greatest need for health care, namely,
pregnant women, the newborn, infants, and children, are underserved. Less than
half of poor pregnant women in the country receive iron supplementation while
80% of pregnant women from the top quintile get this vital supplement. While 83%
of children from top quintile homes get the EPI vaccines, while only half of
those from low quintile families do so.
The national maternal mortality ratio is now estimated at 170
per 100,000 live births. Data limitations prevent us from estimating this ratio
for the two income quintiles. But some process indicators suggest that the
burden of maternal deaths is probably much higher among women in the lowest
income quintiles. Among poor women giving birth, less than two percent undergo
caesarian sections compared to 20 percent among their rich counterparts. Only a
quarter of poor women give birth with professional attendance as compared to
92percent% of rich women.
As for child health indicators, the mortality rates for
newborns, infants, and under-fives are significantly higher among the lowest
quintile than among the highest.
Many factors contribute to entrenched health inequities in
the Philippines, despite past attempts at reform – from primary health care and
health for all in the 70s and 80s to today’s "Fourmula One for Health". Let me
cite the factors dealing with the health sector’s complicity in these health
inequities.
Disparities in access to basic care have persisted and
worsened because of the fragmentation of the country’s health system. First, too
much of our basic health resources are privately provided, privately funded and
privately used mainly for the benefit of those who can afford to pay for these.
Second, our public sector in health, which is the segment most amendable to
equitable re-distribution on basis of the democratic principle of the greatest
good for the greatest number, has been kept too small to make a real difference.
And third, this already small public sector in health has been further cut up
into smaller pieces by the faulty design of our public sector devolution of
health services.
This structure of our basic health care delivery system
explains the following features of the observed fragmentation: public/private
segregation, over-specialization, and discontinuities between levels of care.
This fragmented system has to contend with a population that has doubled since
the days of primary health care while total resources allocated for health have
not kept pace with this rapid population growth.
Meanwhile, even as we are still struggling to control health
problems related to poor development (communicable diseases, maternal and child
deaths, and malnutrition), there are significant indications that the so-called
life-style and development-related diseases such as cardio-vascular disease,
cancer, diabetes and other degenerative diseases are beginning to rise in
prevalence. Unfortunately, even for these diseases, the poor, with their lack of
access to information and services related to healthy lifestyles, are likely to
suffer more from this so called "double burden of disease" than the rich.
For this reason, the government is under pressure to maintain
tertiary care institutions. Erecting and sustaining these types of health
facilities are expensive and, often these are put up at the expense of primary
and secondary care programs. Although effective health promotion programs can
mitigate the situation by reducing the chances of individuals falling prey to
degenerative diseases, those who do get sick from complications of diabetes,
cardiovascular disease, and cancer will still need access to technology
intensive interventions available only at tertiary hospitals.
For sure a significant portion of the need for tertiary care could be avoided
if our health care system did a better job of providing good quality basic care
for all. Our failures in primary care only worsen our subsequent failures in
tertiary care. Yet it is also clear that, if we are to deliver the benefits of
life-saving technologies equally to all Filipinos in need, we should have a
combination of: (a) regulatory measures to control the supply and distribution
of capital-intensive tertiary care capabilities for greater efficiency and
equity; and (b) a system of targeted public subsidies to make effective and
appropriately-used tertiary care accessible, affordable and convenient for the
poor and the middle class.